The New York Times "The Borders We Deserve" (May 3, 2010)
By Ross Douhat
Critics of Arizona’s new immigration law have not been shy about impugning the motives of its supporters. The measure, which requires police to check the immigration status of people they question or detain, has been denounced as a “Nazi” or “near-fascist” law, a “police state” intervention, an imitation of “apartheid,” a “Juan Crow” regime that only a bigot could possibly support.
Faced with this kind of hyperbole, the supposed bigots have understandably returned the favor, dismissing opponents of the Arizona measure as limousine liberals who don’t understand the grim realities of life along an often-lawless border. And so the debate has become a storm of insults rather than an argument.
On the specifics of the law, Arizona’s critics have legitimate concerns. Their hysteria has been egregious: you would never guess, amid all the heavy breathing about desert fascism, that federal law already requires legal immigrants to carry proof of their status at all times. But the measure is problematic nonetheless. The majority of police officers, already overburdened, will probably enforce it only intermittently. For an overzealous minority, it opens obvious opportunities for harassment and abuse.
Just because this is the wrong way to enforce America’s immigration laws, however, doesn’t mean they don’t need to be enforced. Illegal immigrants are far more sympathetic than your average lawbreaker: they’re risk-takers looking for a better life in the United States, something they have in common with nearly every living American’s ancestors. But by denouncing almost any crackdown on them as inherently bigoted and cruel, the “pro-immigrant” side of the debate is ultimately perpetuating a deeply unjust system.
There’s a good argument, on moral and self-interested grounds alike, that the United States should be as welcoming as possible to immigrants. But there’s no compelling reason that we should decide which immigrants to welcome based on their proximity to our border, and their ability to slip across.
It takes nothing away from Mexico or Mexicans to note that millions upon millions of people worldwide would give anything for the chance to migrate to America. Many come from nations that are poorer than our southern neighbor. Many have endured natural disasters, or suffered political or religious persecution. And many have spent years navigating our byzantine immigration bureaucracy, only to watch politicians in both parties dangle the promise of amnesty in front of people who jumped the border and the line.
As of the mid-2000s, roughly 700,000 migrants were entering the United States illegally every year. Fifty-seven percent came from Mexico, and 24 percent from the rest of Latin America. Only 13 percent came from Africa, the Middle East, South Asia and the Pacific Rim.
In a better world, the United States would welcome hundreds of thousands more legal immigrants annually, from a much wider array of countries. A more diverse immigrant population would have fewer opportunities to self-segregate and stronger incentives to assimilate. Fears of a Spanish-speaking reconquista would diminish, and so would the likelihood of backlash. And instead of being heavily skewed toward low-skilled migrants, our system could tilt toward higher-skilled applicants, making America more competitive and less stratified.
Such a system would also be fairer to the would-be immigrants themselves. America has always prided itself on attracting people from every culture, continent and creed. In a globalized world, aspiring Americans in Zimbabwe or Burma should compete on a level playing field with Mexicans and Salvadorans. The American dream should seem no more unattainable in China than in Chihuahua.
But this can only happen if America first regains control of its southern border. There is a widespread pretense that this has been tried and found to be impossible, when really it’s been found difficult and left untried.
Curbing the demand for illegal workers requires stiff workplace enforcement, stringent penalties for hiring undocumented workers, and shared sacrifice from Americans accustomed to benefiting from cheap labor. Reducing the supply requires bigger Border Patrol budgets and enforcement measures that will inevitably be criticized as draconian: some kind of tamper-proof Social Security card, most likely, and then more physical walls along our southern border, as opposed to the “virtual” wall that the Obama administration seems to be wisely abandoning.
You can see why our leaders would rather duck the problem. But when Washington doesn’t act, the people on the front lines end up taking matters into their own hands.
If you don’t like what Arizona just did, the answer isn’t to scream “fascist!” It’s to demand that the federal government do its job, so that we can have the immigration system that both Americans and immigrants deserve.
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I think the above commentary gets at a key problem in how the immigration debate is unfolding. Emphasis on the twin ideas of equality and non-discrimination animate the arguments made by the opponents of the new Arizona law. Ross Douhat said in the posted article, “[B]y denouncing almost any crackdown on [illegal immigrants] as inherently bigoted and cruel, the “pro-immigrant” side of the debate is ultimately perpetuating a deeply unjust system.” There are many underlying reasons why “equal rights” arguments are so powerful in American politics, not least of which was their moral force in the arguments made to end slavery, expand voting rights, integrate schools and the military, and ultimately abolish other aspects of government-sponsored, institutional racism. Because the weight of “equal rights/non-discrimination” arguments is so profound and compelling when legitimately employed, they have a great propensity to mislead when used illegitimately. Equality is not always good in every sense, nor is discrimination always bad. It is important to inquire into equality by what measure and discrimination based on what criteria.
ReplyDeleteTake the debate about gay marriage. It is often argued as though not extending the rights and recognition of marriage to a gay or lesbian couple is simply discrimination and a denial of equal rights in relation to heterosexual couples. This debate is exceedingly more complex than I am about to make it here and involves thoughtful engagement with questions about the role of government in society and why it does or should legally recognize any type of interpersonal relationship in the first place. Nevertheless, the claim is often made that if two gay men want to commit to one another and be recognized by the state as legally married, as a matter of equal rights it should be granted. However, if the measure of equality in this instance is that all people have access to the institution of marriage regardless of any characteristic they have (other than being too young) then the standard of equality is already met today in every state, regardless of whether or not same-sex “marriage” is recognized by that state. Every gay man may enter into marriage with a woman and have it legally recognized. Since all people have the right to enter into marriage with a member of the opposite sex, one could argue that no one, gay or straight, is being discriminated against based on the above criterion. The discrimination that is present distinguishes between the substance of the union of same-sex couples vs. that of heterosexual couples. Based on their nature, sometimes institutions must be discriminating toward individuals. For instance, Muslims should be prohibited from pastoring Christian congregations. No one would call that bigotry, but it certainly is discrimination.
By the same token, if a state (leaving aside constitutional challenges about immigration laws being enforced by state/local entities) passes and seeks to enforce a law that will impose requirements on immigrants that it does not impose on citizens, this is discrimination. But it is discrimination based on an important, objective reality: immigrants (who are not citizens) must be treated different than citizens otherwise citizenship loses all meaning. Again, to track with the same-sex marriage argument above, once one becomes a citizen, one no longer has to comply with the requirements of being an immigrant. The discrimination that is present is based on one’s relationship with the institution in question (U.S. citizenship) not some attribute (race, religion, etc.) which is an illegitimate basis for such discrimination. Just to be emphatic about what is at stake, without the institution of citizenship and the afforded rights and responsibilities attributed to it, there is no nation. This is not about love of country or idolatrous patriotism, it is simply to say that a viable political order is better than no political order at all, and citizenship is indispensable to any political order. To promptly brand enforcement of it as bigoted racism is to deny this fundamental reality.
ReplyDeleteSome will immediately say that they are concerned more about implementation than what the law says. Even if arbitrary discrimination is “written out” of the law, won’t it simply creep back in when its enforced? These are valid concerns, but I think they are present in every area of law enforcement and therefore must constantly be worked against as a general rule. Unfortunately, there is no getting around the fact that illegal immigrants in the U.S. are not a very diverse group; they are mostly latinos so concerns in the latino community about becoming targets of police are very understandable. There may be many racists in Arizona and the new law may contain many practical and even moral errors. Some of these have been addressed in the revisions recently passed by the Arizona legislature. For instance, to initiate contact with a person and inquire about immigration status, an Arizona police officer must have “reasonable suspicion” that this person either committed a violation of the law other than illegal immigration or was getting ready to. Nevertheless, to allege that discrimination or breach of equal rights is the guiding principle for what’s wrong with the Arizona law is misguided because discrimination is required in this instance, as long as it is based on the distinction between immigrants (non-citizens) and citizens.
Final Points:
ReplyDelete1) The church is called to serve the poor and to treat aliens (immigrants) justly and as the church reaches out to people in love, it ought not treat citizenship as a guide for who it associates with and in what manner. I have seen in recent articles that the Arizona law might require churches to disclose information to law enforcement regarding their contacts with illegal immigrants. If true, I think this part of the law is wrong because it would infringe upon the right of churches to freely exercise their religious convictions to serve people in need without fear of also contributing somehow to the arrest of those they seek to serve.
2) There are great disparities between the U.S. and Mexico, and the forces driving massive flows of people and drugs north and weapons and cash south are not going away anytime soon. Even in the wake of a great recession, massive droves of people from Latin America are coming north as they respond to opportunities in the U.S. that provide enough of an incentive to make the trip. As unfair as this north-south divide is, immigration policy should not be seen as the primary instrument to address it.
3) With respect to illegal immigrants already in the U.S., many of whom have been here for years, comprehensive immigration reform ought to extend a temporary work visa program to them and a rigorous path to citizenship. Reason being, the U.S. turned a bling eye for decades to illegal immigration because it was seen as mostly harmless and even quite beneficial. This makes the U.S. partially culpable for the 12 to ? million illegal immigrants in our midst today.
4) The fact that Arizona, a state paying a much higher price than most for illegal immigration, is trying to do something because the federal government refuses to should not be met with immediate allegations of racial discrimination as if there are not legitimate reasons underlying its recent immigration law.
5) The above response is not my prescription for what justice requires in terms of comprehensive immigration reform. Nor is it meant to disregard that every person’s most fundamental identity, above all else, is being an image-bearer of God. It is merely an appeal to critically consider in what instances appeals to equal rights/non-discrimination are justified.
Nathan, I appreciated your last entry.
ReplyDelete